Who and why in Catalonia is for and who is against secession from Spain. Why is Catalonia seeking independence? Historical background to the secession of Catalonia

Hello dears.
Tomorrow in Catalonia there will be (or will not be) a referendum on the region's independence from Spain.
The sluggish but constant direction of the authorities and people of this region towards separation from Spain may bear fruit. Why now? I think the fact is that previously the personality of the monarch Juan Carlos was a kind of “glue” connecting Catalonia and Spain. By the way, about the coat of arms of the kingdom, if you are interested, we talked here: But after, under the influence of internal forces, he abandoned the throne in favor of his son Felipe VI, talk about secession became only a matter of time. Alas.

Why alas? I believe that such actions will not benefit Catalonia. In the medium term, their lives will become worse - both economically and politically.

Now they have broad autonomy within a large and strong state, as well as the opportunity to be dissatisfied with something. Swimming alone can bring many bitter moments.
For Spain, the possible separation of Catalonia is like death. For let’s not forget about a region like the Basque Country, where separatist aspirations are no less (if not more) deep than in Catalonia. So....

But the question arises - why do the Catalans actually want to secede? And why now? The last question is not entirely correct, because these aspirations have always been in Barcelona. It’s just that at times these aspirations intensified, and at other times they weakened slightly.
Regarding the first question, everything is very difficult....
Let's start with the fact that the very name of the region of Catalonia (or Catalania) most likely comes from the name of the Gothic-Alan state of Gotalonia with its capital in Barcelona. The Goths and Alans came to these lands at the beginning of the 5th century and did not gain a foothold there for long. However, it is interesting that Ossetia and Catalonia are partly historically connected :-)

From the 8th to the 9th centuries, these territories were seized by the Moors, but Louis I the Pious squeezed them out and created the Spanish March divided into counties, the most famous and powerful of which became the County of Barcelona. Gradually, the county separated from the West Frankish state and in 988, Count of Barcelona Borrell II refused to take the oath to the new king, Hugo Capet, and Catalonia actually became independent from France.

In 1150, Count Ramon Berenguer IV married the heiress of the Kingdom of Aragon, Petronilla, which marked the beginning of the unification of Barcelona with Aragon through a personal union. Ramon Berenguer died in 1162. The Spanish lands (except Cerdani) were received by his eldest son Alfonso II, who became the first king of the united state of Aragon and Barcelona. The French possessions and the county of Cerdan went to the youngest son Pedro.
Well, in fact, the kings of Aragon bore the title of Counts of Barcelona.

And de jure, until the very beginning of the 18th century, Catalonia and Aragon, respectively, were almost independent regions within Spain. However, the War of the Spanish Succession (1700-1714) put an end to this. The Barcelonans backed the wrong horse by declaring their support for Archduke Charles in his fight for the Spanish throne. And they lost...

On July 12, 1714, Marshal Berwick besieged Barcelona and on September 11 the city was forced to surrender. Many leaders of the Catalan separatists were repressed, the ancient liberties - fueros - were burned by the hand of the executioner. And Barcelona became part of the Kingdom of Spain. Although this process took a long time. It was legally completed only in 1871. And even that is disputed...
Since then, the Catalans have tried more than once or twice to raise the question of their autonomy. They did not consider themselves Spaniards. They have a different culture, a different language....

The most striking were, perhaps, the so-called Tragic Week of 1909, when a revolt of local workers led to pogroms of monasteries and houses of the rich, fires and chaos.
And of course, the 30s of the 20th century. In 1928, the political forces of Catalonia adopted the Constitution of an independent Catalonia. In 1932, the Spanish Parliament recognized Catalonia as an autonomy and adopted its Charter. However, the outbreak of the Civil War and the subsequent dictatorship of Caudillo Franco put an end to this. The repressions of the central authorities were very strong. We can say that Franco restored order with iron and blood. By the way, it was since then that the confrontation between Barcelona and Real became fundamental. It was in football that the Catalans tried to defend their freedom and independence.

After the death of the caudillo and the departure of the “Falangists” from power, the pressure began to decrease.
In 1979, Catalonia again receives autonomous status, followed by official recognition of the Catalan language (and Argonne is also in effect). From this moment on, Catalonia has its own government (Generalitat), which is part of the Spanish state system Constitutional Monarchy. However, this is not enough for the Catalans. And again, as always, the economy rules... Catalans are unhappy with the redistribution of financial flows.
In 2006, Catalonia adopted a new autonomous status with increased financial independence.

And in 2009-2010, unofficial polls and referendums on the independence of Catalonia were held, in which more than 90% were in favor of independence.
That's how things are...
We are waiting for tomorrow.
Have a nice time of day.

On October 1, 2017, during a referendum, 92% of voters in Catalonia answered positively to the question: “Do you want Catalonia to become an independent state in the form of a republic?” However, it turned out that only 43% of registered voters voted, and it is likely that many, if not most, of those who did not vote were against independence.

Polls before the referendum showed that Catalans were almost evenly divided between supporters and opponents of independence, but those who actually supported the referendum went to the ballot boxes. The Spanish government refuses to accept the results of the vote or even negotiate with the Catalan regional government. The Prime Minister and his party, the socialist opposition and the king unanimously opposed independence. Spain's Constitutional Court ruled that the referendum was illegal.

In Europe, the reaction is mixed. Most national governments and major political parties argue that this issue is internal matter Spain. Several regional governments seeking to set a precedent for independence or autonomy in Europe - such as Scotland, Sardinia and Flanders - have called on Spain to respect Catalonia's desire for independence. Some left-wing leaders, most notably British Labor leader Jeremy Corbyn, have called for mediation and condemned police action to block the vote.

Spain's right-wing Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy has definitely proven himself to be a thug. Indeed, the main impetus for independence is the Catalans' deep rejection of Rajoy's policies and personality. Just as Americans in some states such as California and New York dream of creating a new state separate from America, which supported Trump, many Catalans see a break with Spain as a way to implement policies opposed by the right-wing majority of Spaniards. The push for Scottish independence also stems largely from the turmoil caused by years of Conservative Party dominance in Britain. By contrast, Northern Irish people who want to remain in Britain do so in part because they fear living under the repressive Catholic social policies favored (at least until recently) by the majority of voters in the Irish Republic.

Rajoy is an obstacle to resolving the conflict with Catalonia. As long as he remains in power, the Catalans, under the influence of their regional government, will continue to push for independence. Rajoy has so far been unwilling to negotiate greater autonomy for Catalonia. Politically, he benefited from the conflict, raising waves of nationalism in the rest of Spain and thereby winning support from voters who dislike Rajoy as a person or his policies. Thus, Rajoy is likely to remain in power - at least in the medium term, and when he leaves office, another conservative is likely to replace him. Perhaps the next prime minister will be less rude and willing to negotiate more autonomy for Catalonia by resolving the crisis.

However, even if Rajoy remains and strengthens the desire of the Catalans to secede from Spain, Catalonia will not become an independent state. No other European national government supports Catalan independence. No government wants to lose part of its territory - even in a friendly divorce - and therefore does not want to support the independence of parts of Europe. We have seen the violence that accompanied the partition of Yugoslavia and the decisive role of external forces in the final definition of new international borders. The split between the Czech Republic and Slovakia is unique as a non-violent divorce.

Since the EU operates by consensus, a veto by even one member state (such as Spain) could block Catalonia's entry into the EU. Likewise, England can prevent Scotland from becoming a member of the EU. Unfortunately for the secessionist Catalans and Scots (as well as certain forces in other EU countries), it is almost certain that many, if not all, EU members will vote against recognizing Catalonia or Scotland because they do not want to set a precedent that will make it easier for the regions to secede from their national governments .

Thus, ultimately the EU will be decisive for the prospects for Catalan independence. Catalonia, like Scotland, expects that if it gains independence it will still remain part of the EU, able to enjoy free trade, open borders with other member states and use the euro. These are all the necessary details for creating viable states. Just as the British are now slowly but surely realizing that their economy will be destroyed if they lose access to the EU, so the separate Catalonia will realize that it will destroy its economy if it is isolated from the EU.

Thus, Rajoy is simply delaying the Catalans' rendezvous with reality. At the moment, it is still mistakenly seen as the main (perhaps the only) obstacle on Catalonia's path to independence. This position, as I have already noted, helps him politically in the rest of Spain. But once Rajoy's government career is over and a more flexible politician becomes prime minister, Catalans will be able to focus on the actual steps needed to create a viable new nation. At this point, the EU's opposition to recognizing breakaway parts of current members will be seen as a real and decisive obstacle to independence.

Institutional arrangements - such as the EU - become integral to the functioning of the economy, and the freedoms and benefits provided by membership in the organization shape people's life plans. Despite frustrations with EU politics and the occasional absurdist escapade, most Europeans cannot prosper outside their common borders. As long as the EU remains a union of nation states, the dreams of Catalonia or any other region remain unrealistic. Only by fundamentally overhauling the EU itself to become a true European government, where citizens enjoy membership separate from their national governments, will national borders be erased and the governments that so upset Catalans, Scots and so many other Europeans today so frustrating.

Between Spain and Catalonia is another outbreak of mutual hostility, implicated in the centuries-old desire of the Catalans to live independently of the Spaniards. The Spanish newspaper El País has learned that the Generalitat (government) of Catalonia has already developed a mechanism for the “immediate separation” of this historical region from the rest of Spain in the event that official Madrid prevents the holding of an independence referendum in Catalonia. The Catalan parliament made the decision to organize a referendum back in October 2016. But the exact date was “reserved” by the Generalitat of Catalonia, that is, kept secret. According to some reports, the referendum may take place on September 24 or October 1 this year.

Secret law

El País reports that it has "gained access to the secret draft of the 'Legal Transition Law', also called the Gap Law." “We are talking,” the newspaper notes, “about a document that will be used as a temporary Catalan constitution. It will be in force for two months while the Catalan parliament implements the constitutional process, which will end with the creation of the “parliamentary republic” of Catalonia.”

And here is the main quote from the secret project, as quoted by El País: “If the Spanish state effectively obstructs the referendum, this law will enter into force fully and immediately after the (Catalunya) parliament recognizes the existence of such an obstacle.”

El País concludes that Catalonia intends to secede from Spain in any case: “with or without a referendum.”

The press does not clarify what “secret draft law” means. We must assume that this is still a project that will turn into law in right time. The fact is that the Parliament of Catalonia, the majority of which belongs to the “independentists” (supporters of independence), has already carried out a reform of the regulations of the legislative body, which now allows the adoption of relevant laws on independence in “express style,” that is, in one reading. Thus, legislative registration of separation from Spain will take no more than 48 hours.

Who's talking about what

Official Madrid does not want to let Catalonia go. The Spaniards have their own historical justifications: they say that Catalonia has been part of the Kingdom of Aragon since the Middle Ages, and therefore Catalonia is Spain.

The Catalans have their own reasons. They rely on historical originality. They emphasize that they speak their own Catalan language, which, although it is part of the group of Romance languages, is noticeably different from Spanish. The Catalan language is a truly living means of communication for 7.5 million people. Catalans do not forget their culture, which was raised to the world level by such outstanding representatives as Salvador Dali and Antonio Gaudi.

And, of course, the economy. Catalonia, with 16% of Spain's total population, produces more than a quarter of the country's gross national product, as seen in the macroeconomic indicators of the last quarter of 2016.

Nobody except the Catalans knows what to do

But let's return to the skirmish between Spanish and Catalan politicians.

“They are blackmailing the state, democracy and the Spaniards. We do not accept this,” said Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, commenting on the publication in El País. According to him, this is the “most serious” thing he has seen “in his entire political career.”

And this, truly, is the most serious thing that happened in Spain, not only during the times political career Rajoy. There is a deadlock situation. It threatens to result in the deepest internal political crisis, the likes of which Spain has not seen since civil war 1936. And official Madrid doesn't really know what to do.

Arrest the leaders of Catalonia, for example the head of the local government, Carles Puigdemont? But how to punish them? This has already happened and did not lead to the results desired for Madrid. The last time the Catalan authorities planned to hold a referendum on independence was in 2014. But the Spanish Constitutional Court declared it unconstitutional. To let off steam - since the Catalans were eagerly awaiting a plebiscite - the Catalan authorities, giving reverse, replaced the referendum with a survey of residents of the region, thereby changing the legal side of the issue, since the survey does not oblige anyone to anything. One way or another, in 2014 they spoke out for the complete independence of Catalonia from Spain.

But even the survey was called illegal in advance by the Spanish authorities, and its organizers were punished. The High Court of Catalonia deprived the former head of the Generalitat, Artur Mas, of the right to hold public and elected positions for two years and sentenced him to a fine. Other Catalan leaders were subject to similar punishments.

It is extremely unprofitable for the central Spanish authorities to aggravate the situation and make arrests on the eve of the planned referendum. This will create an aura of martyrs for the leaders of Catalonia, and the situation could get out of control even before the referendum. Although, in fact, even now the central Spanish authorities do not really control the situation in Catalonia. After all, the Catalans intend to secede in any case - with or without a referendum.

Arresting all the smokers after the referendum is even stupider, since the will of the majority of the population of Catalonia will be evident, and the central authorities of Spain will look like satraps who are strangling freedom and democracy.

Only the Catalans know what to do. And they do, developing a concrete plan to break with Spain. And they have an advantageous situation - like in a game of tic-tac-toe, when no matter what your opponent’s move you still win with your next move.

A word to the critics

The Spanish press writes that Catalan politicians are now competing to see which of them will make the sharpest turn, after which there is no return. About a dozen people are allegedly working on the development of a project for Catalonia’s secession from Spain. They are led by the former vice-president of the Constitutional Court, Carles Viver Pi-Sunyer.

Meanwhile, the Spaniards found many holes in the secret draft of the Catalan breakup law. For example, it does not stipulate who can become a citizen of Catalonia.

It is unclear which Spanish laws will continue to apply in an independent Catalonia and which will automatically cease to apply. What will be the fate of Spanish central government officials who live and work in Catalonia? What will happen to real estate and other property of the Spanish state in Catalonia?

“The authors of this draft law,” writes El País, “do not take into account legislative acts and legal reality, as well as issues of enormous importance and complexity, for example, how the new republic will fit into Europe.”

Farewell to weapons! Hello EU?

Meanwhile, neither side needs the situation to escalate to the point where people start thinking about taking up arms. The Chairman of the Government of Catalonia, Carles Puigdemont, is trying to soften the situation, however, standing his ground. The other day he said that the referendum on the independence of Catalonia does not aim to destroy Spain, as Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy says. "Our demand is well within the constitutional framework. This is not about an attempt to destroy Spain, we're talking about about Catalonia's right to self-determination," Puigdemont said.

Why do the Catalans, with all their militancy, want to appear peaceful? They have long stated that in the event of a break with Spain, they would like to remain part of the European Union.

This will be problematic in any case after separation. But in the event of armed violence on either side, the process of Catalonia joining the EU as an independent member will be extremely complicated. Therefore, the “fight of two bulls” will most likely take place in a peaceful manner. Although, of course, nothing can be ruled out.

The European Union itself views the battle on the Iberian Peninsula with great caution. The only official response from the European Commission to information about a possible referendum was a warning that if it separated from Spain, Catalonia would not be a member of the EU. In January of this year, the head of the Catalan government, Carles Puigdemont, visited the European Parliament to put the “Catalan referendum on the agenda” of European structures. But Brussels does not want to see Catalonia independent, especially as part of the EU outside of Spain.

House of cards

For now, the situation is developing in a direction where the end point—whether Madrid and Brussels want it or not—is the separation of Catalonia from Spain. At the same time, the “Catalonia effect” can play the role of a catalyst for other regions of Europe where separatist sentiments are active. Firstly, for Great Britain with its still open issue of Scottish secession. Although the UK itself is leaving the EU, and the issue of its influence on the strength of the European Union has already been taken off the agenda, but still...

Secondly, separatists in French Corsica may perk up. Thirdly, in Italy the “Northern League” will probably become more active, which for now refuses direct demands for secession and insists on transforming Italy into a federation. But that's it for now. Fourthly, Belgium, which cannot decide in any way the question of who is more important - the Flemings or the Walloons - may also fall apart in two. These are just some striking examples of smoldering separatist sentiments in Europe. In general, under certain circumstances, it may arise on the continent.

In the 8th century this land belonged to the Frankish state. The territory of modern Catalonia and the lands along the Pyrenees were divided into separate counties, formally politically independent, but within the sphere of influence of the Franks. All together they were called the “Spanish Brand”, which, incidentally, has little to do with Spain itself as an independent state. Among all the counties, Barcelona stood out, which even then sought to pursue a powerful independent policy. This allowed Barcelona to unite other counties around itself, and later, in 987, the Barcelona Count Borrell II refused to recognize French authority. Now 988 is called the year of the founding of Catalonia, although the word “Catalonia” itself was first mentioned in writing only at the beginning of the 12th century.

The County of Barcelona continued to grow and develop. However, the counts did not rule Catalonia for long. In 1137, Ramon Beringer IV married the daughter of the King of Aragon, after which he himself became king, and Catalonia became part of the Kingdom of Aragon. Nevertheless, the rights beloved by the Catalans were preserved, and therefore being part of Aragon did not bother anyone.

Territory of the Kingdom of Aragon. (deviantart.com)

Life in the Kingdom of Aragon went on as usual, but in 1469, King Ferdinand did something that would turn into a headache for Catalonia many years later - he married Isabella of Castile, which led to the unification of Aragon and Castile and, as a consequence, the emergence of the Kingdom of Spain in 1516. Thus, Catalonia became the part through which Spain was formed.

However, from this moment on, it became increasingly difficult for Catalonia to exist. Culture and language were declining, the land was losing its usual independence, Spain demanded everything more support and finally, the Reapers' War (1640−1652) began, provoked by the fact that Catalan peasants were forced to feed Spanish soldiers who were at that time fighting with France. It started as a simple rebellion, but Catalonia later declared itself a republic under the protection of the French state. After 12 years, Spanish troops reoccupied Catalonia, and France received some of its territories. However, the end of everything for Catalonia was the next war, the War of the Spanish Succession (1705−1714). After the defeat of the region, Spain destroyed the Catalan constitution and the Catalan language was banned. All this lasted almost 200 years. It was only in 1932 that Catalonia again received autonomy status. The happiness was short-lived: Franco, who came to power, not only deprived the region of all its rights, but also established strict censorship and banned the Catalan-language press. All of Spain existed under total dictatorship until the death of the caudillo in 1975. In 1978, autonomy was restored again, and Catalonia never lost it again. The Catalans were finally defined as a nation, and their language became the official language of the region.

War of the Reapers. (firstsocial.info)

The identification of the Catalan nation is one of the most important milestones in this history. Just as Catalonia is not Spain, Catalans are not Spanish. Tourists are often surprised to see brooding blue-eyed blonds in Barcelona who look more like Germans than Spaniards. However, this is exactly what the native Catalans look like, and they are extremely skeptical of stereotypical Spaniards. In the 60s of the 20th century, when the region was deprived of all its rights, immigrants from other regions of Spain moved to it. Then the confrontation between peoples reached an absurd stage. The Spaniards did not want to learn the language and history of Catalonia, did not accept the ideals of the northerners, while the Catalans themselves, under any pretext, refused to allow the southerners to work and live. There was no question of marriages between Spaniards and Catalans. Now, of course, the situation has noticeably improved, and Barcelona is a cosmopolitan city, but hostility at the everyday level still exists.

The Catalan language is also important. It is a mistake to call it a Spanish dialect - the Catalan language is quite independent and has much in common with French. If we compare, even Portuguese is more similar to Spanish than Catalan.

Catalans at a football match. (rtbf.be)

Historical injustice and differences in everything from appearance to mentality prompted the Catalan authorities to organize a referendum on Catalan independence in 2017. By and large, the Catalans had the right to do this. Every nation has the right to self-determination, even to the point of secession, and the Catalans, as we remember, were recognized as a nation. But Madrid suppressed these attempts, taking advantage of Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution, according to which the government can take measures to ensure that the autonomous community fulfills its obligations if the community refuses to fulfill these obligations or if its actions harm the interests of Spain. As a result, the secession of Catalonia never took place.

Of course, but all Catalans dream of complete independence; many are satisfied with the status of autonomy, and some do not care about it at all. However, the Catalans are not and will never be Spaniards, and this certainly cannot be taken away from them.

Why does Catalonia want to secede?

Spain consists of 17 regions, of which Catalonia is rightfully considered one of the most important. Spain as a state began from here. In the 9th century, the remnants of the Goths and Alans settled in the area of modern Barcelona. Hence the name - Catalonia. The rest of the country was inhabited by Iberian tribes, which were gradually conquered by the Romans. This is how the Spaniards turned out.

The Catalans are very different from the Spaniards: they have their own language and their own culture. More recently, only in 1983, Catalonia managed to defend the right to consider Catalan the main language in the region; before that, everyone was required to speak Spanish. Now teaching in schools, all administrative work, and even street signs are only in Catalan. Since 2005, the Spanish government has officially allowed the Catalans to be considered a nation; before that, they were all just Spaniards. And in 2010 it was banned again, and this caused considerable indignation in the region.

Culturally, differences are also noticeable. For example, the famous bullfight and flamenco dance are not from here at all. On the contrary, bullfighting has recently been banned in Catalonia. The Catalans have their own special cuisine, due to their proximity to the Mediterranean Sea. They also have special musical traditions.

But the main reason for separatism remains, of course, dissatisfaction with the Spanish government, especially in terms of income distribution. According to the Catalans, they pay much more taxes to the Spanish treasury than is returned to them from Madrid in the form of subsidies.

Why Spain doesn't want to let Catalonia go

First of all, the secession of Catalonia will launch separatist processes in other regions of the country. Already, similar ideas can be heard in the Basque Country and in Valencia. In addition, Catalonia is known for its radical leftist attitude towards the monarchy, and its secession threatens the entire state structure of the country.

The loss of Catalonia will hit the state pocket very hard. Now Catalonia brings the country a fifth of all income. The annual financial turnover in the region reaches €230 billion, which is more than that of Belgium or Portugal.

In 2005, during the next separatist escalation, the Spanish government made concessions and exempted the Catalans from most taxes, leaving them only VAT and income tax. This caused a wave of indignation in other regions of the country, which would also like to pay less. Therefore, in 2010, taxes were returned to the Catalans, which could not but affect the already cool relations between Barcelona and Madrid.

But Catalonia is not only income for Spain, it is also its calling card. More than 20 million tourists visit the sunny Costa Brava every year, many of whom go to see the rest of the country.

In the event of secession, the cultural losses of the Spaniards will also be irreparable, because they will have to come to terms with the loss of such cultural brands as the artist Salvador Dali, the architect Antonio Gaudi, and the opera diva Montserrat Caballe. And another thing that worries most Spaniards is what to do with the football team? After all, the Barcelona football club is not just national pride, it is almost a religion for millions of Spanish fans.

To say that the secession of Catalonia is not beneficial for the European Union is to say nothing. Having only experienced Britain's painful secession, Brussels is terribly afraid of separatism. If Catalonia becomes a separate state, other “hot spots” will immediately follow its example - Flanders in Belgium, Corsica in France, Transylvania in Romania, Bavaria in Germany, Padania in Italy. The European Union will simply burst at the seams.

Brussels is afraid to intervene directly in the conflict, limiting itself to weak threats that in the event of secession, Catalonia will not be considered part of the European Union. But this seems to be of little concern to the inspired Catalans. Moreover, it is in Brussels that the former head of Catalonia, Carlos Puigdemont, whom the Spanish authorities declared a state criminal, is hiding. Six of his colleagues from the former Catalan government are already waiting for him in a Madrid prison, but Brussels is not handing over the main separatist to the Spaniards.

In October, a referendum was held in Catalonia, in which almost 90% of the Catalans who came voted for secession from Spain. Prime Minister Rajoy immediately declared the referendum illegal, dismissed the Catalan government, arrested several people and began a hunt for Puigdemont. But the crisis still needed to be resolved, so the Catalans were allowed to hold early parliamentary elections.

Of course, Madrid really hoped that the supporters of a united Spain would win. But this did not happen: 70% of the seats in the region’s parliament were taken by separatists. Now, according to the law, the people's representatives must form a new government, and with great confidence we can say that they will again choose Puigdemont or one of his associates.

How will official Madrid behave? There seem to be few ways out of the situation, or rather, only two.

First, Rajoy will agree to negotiate. This means that he will have to back down and reverse unpopular decisions on the status of autonomy, the status of the Catalan nation, and also resolve the tax problem. It will not be easy for the Prime Minister to do this, since he has already established himself as a tough politician and a supporter of a forceful solution to the problem. But in this case, you can count on the fact that Catalonia will remain part of Spain.

The second option is force. This is exactly what Rajoy and his party comrades are inclined to do. Dispersing the protesters, arresting opposition leaders and introducing direct rule in Catalonia is also a way out, although unlikely for a long period.

Thus, Spain, and with it the European Union, can get their Donbass right in the center of Europe. In the meantime, it’s time for political decisions, on which the further political situation in the country will depend.